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Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets
“You all know, of course, that Hogwarts was founded over a thousand years ago- the precise date is uncertain- by the four greatest witches and wizards of the age. The four school Houses are named after them: Godric Gryffindor, Helga Hufflepuff, Rowena Ravenclaw, and Salazar Slytherin. They built this castle together, far from prying Muggle eyes, for it was an age when magic was feared by common people, and witches and wizards suffered much persecution."
He paused, gazed blearily around the room, and continued.
"For a few years, the founders worked in harmony together, seeking out youngsters who showed signs of magic and bringing them to the castle to be educated. But then disagreements sprang up between them. A rift began to grow between Slytherin and the others. Slytherin wished to be more
selective
about the students admitted to Hogwarts. He believed that magical learning should be kept within all-magic families. He disliked taking students of Muggle parentage, believing them to be untrustworthy. After a while, there was a serious argument on the subject between Slytherin and Gryffindor, and Slytherin left the school."
Professor Binns paused again, pursing his lips, looking like a wrinkled old tortoise.
"Reliable historical sources tell us this much," he said. "But these honest facts have been obscured by the fanciful legend of the Chamber of Secrets. The story goes that Slytherin had built a hidden chamber in the castle, of which the other founders knew nothing.
Slytherin, according to legend, sealed the Chamber of Secrets so that none would be able to open it until his own true heir arrived at the school. The heir alone would be able to unseal the Chamber of Secrets, unleash the horror within, and use it to purge the school of all who were unworthy to study magic.”
Hogwarts
Heir
Slytherin
Chamber Of Secrets
Salazar
Sobre o Fascismo a Ditadura Militar e Salazar
“Há tres maneiras de ser situacionista, isto é, de ser partidario de qualquer situação política. A primeira é a conformidade por dotrina; a segunda a conformidade por aceitação; a terceira a conformidade por não-oposição. Deixo de parte uma das mais vulgares - a conformidade por vantagem [...]. A conformidade por indiferença vale por adesão por só não ser hostilização.”
Change
Politics
Fascism
Status Quo
Indiference
Philosiphy
A Máquina de Fazer Espanhóis
“começou por nos explicar que distinguia muito bem entre a igreja e a fé. achava que a igreja era uma máfia de interesses. o silva da europa interrompia-o e dizia, uns filhos da mãe, a igreja é uma instituição pançuda que se deixou confortavelmente sentada ao lado de salazar. como sempre, dizia anísio, sempre do lado dos opressores porque toda a lógica da igreja é opressora, não conhecem outra linguagem.”
Igreja
Opressão
Paper Crowns
“SOUNDS GROSS," he said. "SALAZAR PREFERS WOOD. TAPESTRIES ARE ALSO ACCEPTABLE.”
Humor
Fire
Elemental
Paper Crowns
Mirriam Neal
Salazar
Salazar – Uma Biografia Política
“Excessivamente sentimental, com horror à disciplina, individualista sem dar por isso, falha de espírito de continuidade e de tenacidade na acção. A própria facilidade de compreensão, diminuindo-lhe a necessidade de esforço, leva-o a estudar todos os assuntos pela rama, a confiar demasiado na espontaneidade e brilho da sua inteligência.”
Portugueses
Salazar : citações
“A economia liberal que nos deu o super-capitalismo, a concorrência desenfreada, a amoralidade económica, o trabalho mercadoria, o desemprego de milhões de homens, morreu já. Receio apenas que, em violenta reacção contra os seus excessos, vamos cair noutros que não seriam socialmente melhores.”
Economía
Liberalismo
Desemprego
Salazar : citações
“Em Portugal, porém, esses agrupamentos formaram-se à volta de pessoas, de interesses mesquinhos, de apetites e para satisfazer esses interesses e apetites. Ora é essa mentalidade partidária que tem de acabar, se queremos entrar num verdadeiro período de renovação. A terapêutica da Nação doente, retalhada, exige-nos uma imobilização, que pode ser definitiva ou demorada, de toda a acção política fragmentária.”
Partidos
Clientelas
Parlamento
Sinagoga
Salazar : citações
“Faço tudo para ser útil, nada para ser agradável.”
Falsidade
Honestidade
Salazar : citações
“Os partidos fizeram-se para servir clientelas. A União Nacional, como o seu nome indica, para unir a Nação.”
Partidos
Nação
Unidade
Clientelas
Salazar : citações
“Censura - que tem por objectivos principais impedir a invasão das ideias marxistas, a propagação das mentiras e o malefício da calúnia, às vezes irreparável. E não se esqueça de que o Governo português autoriza, apesar de tudo, a publicação de jornais e revistas que nos são ideologicamente adversos.”
Mentiras
Censura
Marxismo
Calúnia
Salazar : citações
“Civilização é a sequência de séculos de disciplina.”
Disciplina
Civilização
“Estou mais à direita de Salazar, porque eu sou fascista totalitário.”
Fascismo
Salazar : citações
“Deve o Estado ser tão forte que não precise de ser violento.”
Estado
Pacifismo
Salazar : citações
“As liberdades ilimitadas destroem-se a si próprias.”
Liberdade
Destruição
Salazar : citações
“Liberdade e comunismo são duas ideias antagónicas.”
Liberdade
Comunismo
Salazar : citações
“Instrução aos mais capazazes, lugar aos mais competentes, trabalho a todos, eis o essencial - tudo o mais, como no Evangelho, virá por acréscimo.”
Trabalho
Competencia
Instrução
The Anatomy of Fascism
“Nazi officials felt free to take more violent action than they had done in the western campaigns of 1940, first against the enemies of the regime, then against fascism’s conservative allies, and eventually against the German people themselves, in an ecstasy of terminal destruction.
Whereas in traditional authoritarian war regimes, the army tends to extend its control, as it did in the German Reich during 1917–18 and in Franco’s Spain, the German army lost control of occupation policy in the east after 1941, as we have seen, to the Nazi Party’s parallel organizations. Party radicals felt free to express their hatreds and obsessions in ways that were foreign to the traditions of the state services. The issue here is not simply one of moral sensitivity; some officers and civil servants were appalled by SS actions in the conquered territories, while others went along because of group solidarity or because they had become hardened. It was to some degree an issue of turf. It would be unthinkable for a traditional military dictatorship to tolerate the incursions of amateurish party militias into military spheres that Hitler—and even, in Ethiopia, Mussolini—permitted.
Here we enter a realm where the calculations of interest that arguably governed the behavior of both the Nazis and their allies under more ordinary circumstances in the exercise of power no longer determined policy. At this ultimate stage an obsessed minority is able to carry out its most passionate hatreds implacably and to the ultimate limit of human experience.
Liberation from constraints permitted a hard core of the movement’s fanatics to regain the upper hand over their bourgeois allies and carry out some of the initial radical projects. At the outposts of empire, fascism recovered the face-to-face violence of the early days of squadrismo and SA street brawling. One must resist the temptation at this final stage to revert to a highly personalized way of looking at the exercise of power in fascist regimes, with its discredited notions of hoodlums kidnapping the state. The Nazi regime was able to pursue the war with ever mounting intensity only with the continued complicity of the state services and large sectors of the socially powerful.
Fascist radicalization, finally, cannot be understood as a rational way to persuade a people to give their all to a war effort. It led Nazi Germany into a runaway spiral that ultimately prevented rational war making, as vital resources were diverted from military operations to the murder of the Jews. Finally radicalization denies even the nation that is supposed to be at fascism’s heart. At the end, fanatical fascists prefer to destroy everything in a final paroxysm, even their own country, rather than admit defeat.
Prolonged fascist radicalization over a very long period has never been witnessed. It is even hard to imagine. Can one suppose that even Hitler could keep up the tension into old age? Arranging the succession to a senescent fascist leader is another intriguing but, so far, hypothetical problem. The more normal form of succession to a fascist regime is likely to be decay into a traditional authoritarianism. At that point, there can be progressive liberalization as in post-Franco Spain or perhaps revolution (as in post-Salazar Portugal). But orderly succession is clearly far more of a problem with fascism than with other forms of rule, even communism. Fascism is, in the last analysis, destabilizing. In the long run, therefore, it was not really a solution to the problems of frightened conservatives or liberals.
The final outcome was that the Italian and German fascist regimes drove themselves off a cliff in their quest for ever headier successes. The fascisms we know seem doomed to destroy themselves in their headlong, obsessive rush to fulfill the “privileged relation with history” they promised their people.”
Fascism
Radicalization
Endgame Of Fascism
Fascism Long Term
The Anatomy of Fascism
“Even nonradicalized authoritarian regimes glorified the military. For all his desire to stay out of the war, Franco seized the opportunity offered by the defeat of France in 1940 to occupy Tangiers, as we saw earlier. Military parades were a major form of public ritual for Franquist Spain. Defeated France, under the Vichy regime of World War I hero Marshal Pétain, put much energy into military pomp and patriotic display. It never stopped asking the Nazi occupation authorities to allow the tiny Vichy Armistice Army to play a greater role in the defense of French soil from an Allied invasion. Even the quietist Portuguese dictator Salazar could not neglect the African empire that provided major emotional and economic support for his authoritarian state.
But there is a difference between authoritarian dictatorships’ glorification of the military and the emotional commitment of fascist regimes to war. Authoritarians used military pomp, but little actual fighting, to help prop up regimes dedicated to preserving the status quo. Fascist regimes could not survive without the active acquisition of new territory for their “race”—Lebensraum, spazio vitale—and they deliberately chose aggressive war to achieve it, clearly intending to wind the spring of their people to still higher tension.
Fascist radicalization was not simply war government, moreover. Making war radicalizes all regimes, fascist or not, of course. All states demand more of their citizens in wartime, and citizens become more willing, if they believe the war is a legitimate one, to make exceptional sacrifices for the community, and even to set aside some of their liberties. Increased state authority seems legitimate when the enemy is at the gate. During World War II, citizens of the democracies accepted not only material sacrifices, like rationing and the draft, but also major limitations on freedom, such as censorship. In the United States during the cold war an insistent current of opinion wanted to limit liberties again, in the interest of defeating the communist enemy.
War government under fascism is not the same as the democracies’ willing and temporary suspension of liberties, however. In fascist regimes at war, a fanatical minority within the party or movement may find itself freed to express a furor far beyond any rational calculation of interest. In this way, we return to Hannah Arendt’s idea that fascist regimes build on the fragmentation of their societies and the atomization of their populations. Arendt has been sharply criticized for making atomization one of the prerequisites for Nazi success. But her Origins of Totalitarianism, though cast in historical terms, is more a philosophical meditation on fascism’s ultimate radicalization than a history of origins. Even if the fragmentation and atomization of society work poorly as explanations for fascism’s taking root and arriving in power, the fragmentation and atomization of government were characteristic of the last phase of fascism, the radicalization process. In the newly conquered territories, ordinary civil servants, agents of the normative state, were replaced by party radicals, agents of the prerogative state. The orderly procedures of bureaucracy gave way to the wild unstructured improvisations of inexperienced party militants thrust into ill-defined positions of authority over conquered peoples.”
War
Fascism
Military
Wartime Radicalization
Wartime Government
Memoria del fuego 1: Los nacimientos
“Ballad of Cuzco
A llama wished
to have golden hair,
brilliant as the sun,
strong as love
and soft as the mist
that the dawn dissolves,
to weave a braid
on which to mark,
knot by knot,
the moons that pass,
the flowers that die
-- Salazar Bondy, Sebastián (ed.). Poesía quechua. Montevideo; Arca, 1978. Translated by Eduardo Galeano.”
Latin America
A Visit from the Goon Squad
“Alex closed his own eyes. Immediately sounds thickened in his ears: choppers, church bells, a distant drill. The usual confetti of horns and sirens. The tingle of track lighting overhead, a dishwasher slop, Cara-Ann's sleepy 'No ...' as Rebecca pulled on her sweater. They were about to go. Alex felt a spasm of dread, or something like it, at the thought of leaving this brunch with Bennie Salazar empty-handed.
He opened his eyes. Bennie's were already open, his brown, tranquil gaze fixed on Alex's face. 'I think you hear what I hear, Alex,' he said. 'Am I right?'" (p. 310)”
Sound
Sobre o Fascismo a Ditadura Militar e Salazar
“Há partidos que, por força numérica ou coesiva ou ambas, conforme os sistemas de governo, são quase continuamente detentores do poder -partidos do governo. Outros há que, pelos motivos opostos, estão quase continuamente fora do poder - partidos de oposição. Os "arranjistas", os que se servem da política para lucro própia, matemial ou moral, convergem naturalmente para os partidos de governo, sem outro princípio que a própria conveniência. Os turbulentos, os revoltados-natos, convergem naturalmente para os partidos de oposição, sem outro principio que o seu oposicionismo temperamental.
Como, porém, os partidos se não formam em torno de conveniências ou de turbulências, pois que estas não tem em si mesmo poder coesivo, segue que estes elementos, por sua natureza discordantes, constituem um perigo, pelo menos latente, para o partido em que estão. [...]”
Philosophy
Change
Revolution
Politics
Corruption
Parties
Political Parties
Regime
“I will consider the following regimes: Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, Franc's Spain, Salazar's Portugal, Papadopoulos's Greece, Pinochet's Chile, and Suharto's Indonesia. […]
Analysis of these seven regimes reveals fourteen common threads that link them in recognizable patterns of national behavior and abuse of power. These basic characteristics are more prevalent and intense in some regimes than in others, but they all share at least some level of similarity.”
Fascism
Sobre o Fascismo a Ditadura Militar e Salazar
“Comme d'usage, le Dictateur se trompe.”
Politics
Democracy
Fascism
Dictatorship
Pessoa
Portugal
Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets
“Riddle said I'm like him. Strange likenesses, he said...."
"
Did
he now?" said Dumbledore, looking thoughtfully at Harry from under his thick silver eyebrows. "And what do you think, Harry?"
"I don't think I'm like him!" said Harry, more loudly than he'd intended. "I mean, I'm- I'm in
Gryffindor
, I'm..."
But he fell silent, a lurking doubt resurfacing in his mind.
"Professor," he started again after a moment. "The Sorting Hat told me I'd- I'd have done well in Slytherin. Everyone thought
I
was Slytherin's heir for a while... because I can speak Parseltongue...."
"You can speak Parseltongue, Harry," said Dumbledore calmly, "because Lord Voldemort- who
is
the last remaining ancestor of Salazar Slytherin- can speak Parseltongue. Unless I'm much mistaken, he transferred some of his own powers to you the night he gave you that scar. Not something he intended to do, I'm sure..."
"Voldemort put a bit of himself in
me
?" Harry said, thunderstruck.
"It certainly seems so."
"So I
should
be in Slytherin," Harry said, looking desperately into Dumbledore's face. "The Sorting Hat could see Slytherin's power in me, and it-"
"Put you in Gryffindor," said Dumbledore calmly. "Listen to me, Harry. You happen to have many qualities Salazar Slytherin prized in his hand-picked students. His own very rare gift, Parseltongue- resourcefulness- determination- a certain disregard for rules," he added his mustache quivering again. "Yet the Sorting Hat placed you in Gryffindor. You know why that was. Think."
"It only put me in Gryffindor," said Harry in a defeated voice, "because I asked not to go in Slytherin...."
"
Exactly
," said Dumbledore, beaming once more. "Which makes you
very different
from Tom Riddle. It is our choices, Harry, that show what we truly are, far more than our abilities.”
Harry Potter
Difference
Similarities
Tom Riddle
Harry Potter and the Chamber of Secrets
“I have many questions for you, Harry Potter."
"Like what?" Harry spat, fists still clenched.
"Well," said Riddle, smiling pleasantly, "how is it that
you
- a skinny boy with no extraordinary magical talent- managed to defeat the greatest wizard of all time? How did
you
escape with nothing but a scar, while Lord Voldemort's powers were destroyed?"
There was an odd red gleam in his hungry eyes now.
"Why do you care how I escaped?" said Harry slowly. "Voldemort was after your time...."
"Voldemort," said Riddle softly, "is my past, present, and future, Harry Potter...."
He pulled Harry's wand from his pocket and began to trace it through the air, writing three shimmering words:
TOM MARVOLO RIDDLE
Then he waved the wand once, and the letters of his name rearranged themselves:
I AM LORD VOLDEMORT
"You see?" he whispered. "It was a name I was already using at Hogwarts, to my most intimate friends only, of course. You think I was going to use my filthy Muggle father's name forever? I, in whose veins runs the blood of Salazar Slytherin himself, through my mother's side? I, keep the name of a foul, common Muggle, who abandoned me even before I was born, just because he found out his wife was a witch? No, Harry- I fashioned myself a new name, a name I knew wizards everywhere would one day fear to speak, when I had become the greatest sorcerer in the world!”
Voldemort
Revealing The Truth
Tom Riddle
Merope Gaunt
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that
That
tion
Tion
Thin
Have
Thơ
very
Life
When
love
Ness
ally
them
people
Come
More
World
Real
Stan
Neve
less
Because
Though
Where
Ying
Itä
Right
Heart
Said